Research assignment

Are individual lifestyle changes needed to mitigate harm from climate change? Or would national policies be sufficient? As the recent fiery debates about ‘flight shame’ and ‘meat shame’ illustrate, it is unclear who has a duty to do exactly what with respect to climate change. One reason for this is that a convincing ethics addressing apparent collective harm problems has yet to be formulated. A collective harm problem involves many individuals acting in a way that leads to serious harm, where each individual’s contribution is negligible. According to some philosophers, climate change is a collective harm problem, one that is theoretically and practically perplexing. How can an individual have a duty to reduce her carbon emissions when the consequences of her doing so appear to be negligible?

Addressing this question, two approaches have evolved in the literature. On what we call the bottom-up approach, individuals have direct duties to reduce their emissions in order to prevent harm. The approach defends these duties by trying to explain how, despite appearances to the contrary, an individual directly causes non-negligible harm by emitting and can mitigate this harm through lifestyle changes. However, even if we accept this approach and think that climate change is not purely a collective harm problem as far as individual emissions are concerned, it is unclear which duties the approach implies. Individual choices (such as foregoing air travel or refraining from having a second child) may be unduly costly, and uncoordinated individual acts seem insufficient to adequately address climate change. For these reasons, our hypothesis is that the best version of the bottom-up approach will require individuals to coordinate their actions.

On what we call the top-down approach, collectives such as states have duties to prevent collective harm. Individuals’ duties are not direct but are derived from these collective duties. This guarantees that the duties of individuals who belong to the same collective are coordinated. The top-down approach is thus a promising account with regard to solving collective action problems. However, the top-down approach is faced with two major challenges. The first is to show that collectives, and not only individuals, are bearers of moral duties. The second is to show how collective duties give rise to individual duties of group members.

Thus, the state of the art does not offer a satisfactory explanation of our duties in the face of climate change and gives insufficient guidance. Our hypothesis is that both the individual and collective perspectives are needed for a comprehensive approach. We call our approach an ethics of coordination because it says that individuals have not only direct duties to avoid causing harm, but also duties to coordinate their actions with others that derive from the expected effects of individuals acting together as a group.

The theoretical task is to justify a duty to coordinate and determine its relationship with direct individual duties. The practical task is to apply the approach to climate change.

Three parts of the project

  • Part 1 gives a theoretical justification for duties to coordinate. It explores two ways to justify such duties, and the possibility of combining these justifications:

    (1a) Top-down approach: some collectives have moral duties that yield individual duties for their members and thereby coordinate their members’ actions.

    (1b) Bottom-up approach with coordination: each individual is required to coordinate their actions with others.

    (1c) Combining the bottom-up approach with coordination and the top-down approach.

    Our hypothesis is that both the bottom-up approach with coordination and the top-down approach are needed for a comprehensive approach. We call this approach “an ethics of coordination” because it says that individuals have not only direct duties to avoid causing harm, but also duties to coordinate their actions – duties that derive from the expected effects of individuals acting together.

  • The most significant direct individual duties concern lifestyle choices. We will estimate the expected reduced harm and foregone benefits of such choices. The starting point for Part 2 is a meta-study by Wynes and Nicholas (2017), reporting estimates of CO2 reduction from lifestyle choices such as adopting a plant-based diet, avoiding transatlantic flight, and living without a car. Such estimates bear on whether and to what extent an individual makes a difference to climate change (Kagan 2011; Lawford-Smith 2016).

    References

    Wynes, Seth, and Kimberly A. Nicholas. 2017. “The Climate Mitigation Gap: Education and Government Recommendations Miss the Most Effective Individual Actions.” Environmental Research Letters 12 (7): 074024.

    Kagan, Shelly. 2011. “Do I Make a Difference?” Philosophy & Public Affairs 39 (2): 105–41.

    Lawford-Smith, Holly. 2016. “Difference-Making and Individuals’ Climate-Related Obligations.” In Climate Justice in a Non-Ideal World, edited by Clare Heyward and Dominic Roser, 0. Oxford University Press.

  • That direct (uncoordinated) individual duties are inadequate motivates the question of Part 3: When are duties of coordination needed to take over from direct duties and what are the duties to coordinate? This question arises at both individual and national levels since both individuals and nations might have direct duties or duties of coordination.

    Duties of coordination are needed where uncoordinated efforts would be

    (i) unduly demanding from the perspective of individuals or nations, and

    (ii) insufficient to mitigate climate harm.

    Our preliminary hypothesis is that (i) holds to the extent that nations lack sufficiently strong self-interested reasons to take action on climate change, and that (ii) holds to the extent that leakage is a problem. The leakage problem, recall, is that if a nation unilaterally reduces its emissions via domestic regulation, producers of emission-intensive goods have incentives to relocate to nations with looser emission controls, meaning some emission reduction from unilateral regulation is offset by emission increases elsewhere (Böhringer et al. 2012).